Living in Antarctica, Dreaming of Antarctica: First Insights into the Society of “Antarcticians”

This thematic issue aims to provide an unprecedented account of an emerging movement: field investigations conducted by social science researchers in Antarctica.
This continent, covering 13.9 million square kilometres, is unique in that it has virtually no history of human colonization and is governed by an exceptional legal status. It belongs to no state, despite being subject to territorial claims. The only activities permitted on this territory are those outlined in the 1959 Treaty, which established a framework for freezing sovereignty claims in favour of scientific cooperation (Auburn, 1979; Burton, 1979; Lassere, Choquet, & Escudé-Joffres, 2021).
France was a pioneer in the exploration of Antarctica, notably through Jules Dumont d’Urville, who landed on the continent and claimed a portion of land for France, which he named Adélie, in homage to his wife Adèle.
The Antarctic Treaty, signed in Washington in December 1959 and strongly promoted by the United States, froze these claims. The treaty stipulates that no new claim can be made, and that existing claims cannot be either asserted or contested for the duration of the agreement. In this context, one could say that Adélie Land remains French territory for some, but not for all. It is truly an exception in international law, based not on agreement but on non-agreement (Choquet, 2019).
The treaty was later complemented by the Madrid Protocol (1991), ratified in 1998, which designates Antarctica as a “Natural reserve devoted to peace and science.” This legal framework prohibits all mining activities except for scientific purposes and establishes strict rules for environmental protection.
North of the Antarctic continent, and more precisely north of the 60th parallel south, lie the sub-Antarctic islands administered by France, like Adélie Land in Antarctica. Despite differences in legal status, we propose considering all the scientific bases in Antarctica and the sub-Antarctic together, as the TAAF (French Southern and Antarctic Lands) are extremely isolated territories (a European category) with no native population. They host temporary populations dedicated to conducting and/or enabling scientific research in bases where living conditions, as well as the scientific and political context, are comparable.
Access difficulties, heavy logistical demands, mission costs, the limited number of places available in the stations, and, more simply, the priority given to research on Antarctic natural environments have meant that these bases were almost exclusively devoted to the hard and experimental sciences: biologists, ecologists, ornithologists, meteorologists and climatologists, glaciologists, geologists, chemists and earth-system physicists, and even astronomers. As a result, social science research was long excluded.
Studies of human life in Antarctica have been carried out primarily in medicine (Heggie, 2019; Palinkas, 2001; Guillon, 2022) and psychology (Shurley, 1973; Cravalho, 1996; Nicolas, Suedfeld, & Weiss, 2015), but systematic work in the social sciences only began in the 2000s. Preceded by publications in history and geopolitics, the first empirical field investigations began to appear in English-language publications over the last decade, within the broader movement of “Antarctic Humanities” (Roberts et al., 2016). However, nothing similar has been published either in French or about French bases.
This issue aims to bring together, for the first time, analyses by social science researchers who have conducted empirical fieldwork on the sixth continent, in French stations, through the two French institutions that grant access to these sites: the Institut Polaire Paul-Émile Victor (IPEV) and the TAAF administration.

Three thematic areas are proposed to structure the contribution :

1-The experience of community life in hostile environments. This first theme explores how the ethnographic method can reveal social dynamics, norms, and cultural practices within these isolated yet temporary communities. Some return regularly, but no one resides there permanently, and all live this experience as an exceptional interlude. This particular form of community life stands at the intersection of studies on “field science practices,” temporary isolated professional communities, and places of spiritual retreat. Articles may address topics such as isolation, social relations, status differences, collaborations, and how residents live, imagine (the ideological dimension), and communicate their experiences.
2-Environmental issues and representations. In both Antarctic and sub-Antarctic bases, much research focuses on climate history and on species whose survival is directly threatened today by global warming and human activities. Given the fragility of these ecosystems and environmental risks, it is worthwhile to investigate the perspectives of those stationed there—on their lived experiences within these ecosystems, on the imaginaries that shaped their expectations before departure, and on how they analyze the environmental impact of their own research or tourism development. One might also question the impact of extreme climatic conditions on the very conditions of research.
3-The scientific and geopolitical context. This third theme treats life in Antarctica as an example of a scientific laboratory, without an indigenous population, and situated on the margins of institutional decision-making centres. Contributions may examine relationships with decision-making bodies, mission preparation, fieldwork, and the negotiation of access to research sites, as well as the methodological specificities of conducting social science research in such a “scientific” yet difficult-to-access location, where the question of “being there” (Watson, 1999) is particularly acute. This concerns epistemic cultures—how science is practised in these contexts. We also consider how geopolitical and economic stakes subtly shape science. What is the relationship between these scientific stations and the ambiguous dynamics of “settler colonies”? Is the goal to produce science and/or to occupy politically or economically meaningful territory?
We welcome a diversity of perspectives and writing formats, with a particular emphasis on an anthropological approach. Contributions will enhance the understanding of living conditions, social practices, and imaginings in these scientific stations, while also considering the broader implications of research in Antarctica.
While the focus is on French bases, contributions on life in other countries’ stations are equally welcome.

Schedule:
* Proposals for contributions (title and abstract of 5,000 to 6,000 characters, in French or English) should be sent by November 15, 2025, to the coordinators of this issue:
Isabelle Bianquis, Professor of Anthropology (Emeritus), University of Tours, UMR 7324 CITERES,isabelle.bianquis@univ-tours.fr
and
David Dumoulin Kervran, Professor of Sociology, Sorbonne Nouvelle University, UMR 7227 CREDA, david.dumoulin@sorbonne-nouvelle.fr.
Proposals must present the main lines of argument and the empirical materials used, and be accompanied by a bio-bibliographical note on the author.
* The final texts of the selected proposals (35,000 to 70,000 characters max., including spaces and bibliography) are expected by May 15, 2026.
* This issue of Ethnologie française is scheduled for publication in May 2027.

Bibliography
Indicative Bibliography
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